![]() I have been out of the country for the past two weeks. When told that he and his colleagues were found to use fronts to collect bribes from agencies, he said, “No sane person will make such frivolous allegations against me. No responsible member of parliament will ask an agency under probe for employment racketeering (for bribe) and yet be exposing them.” Unaware of the full extent of our findings, Mr Oke had said, “I don’t agree with this insinuation (allegation of extortion put to him by our reporter). Mr Ishaya was the chief host at that event.ĭuring the reporting for our first publication, we confronted Mr Oke with our findings concerning his role in this bribery saga. Two vice-chancellors said Mr Ishaya, described as a hyperactive professor of computer science, was chosen for the task because of his relationship with the Chairperson of the panel, Yusuf Gagdi, who is an alumnus of his university and who only on 30 March this year chaired a public lecture on “Grappling with the Peace We Seek” at the institution. After some brainstorming, the Committee of vice-chancellors of Nigerian Universities, led by Lilian Salami, the vice-chancellor of the University of Benin, nominated the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Jos, Tanko Ishaya, to liaise with the Committee on the matter. Our investigation has now determined that after the House committee met with university vice-chancellors on Tuesday, 15 August, and demanded N2 million bribe from each of them, there were concerns about how to make and receive the illicit payments without being detected by the nation’s anti-corruption agencies and journalists. Members of House of Representatives during a session in the green chamber. So, who owns the school, and what is its relationship with the bribery scheme? Founded on 24 January 2008, LBIS is 75 per cent owned by Oluwole Oke, a member of the House of Representatives representing the Obokun/Oriade federal constituency of Osun State, who moved the motion that led to the creation of the investigative committee and who became very active at the panel’s public hearings. ![]() Rectors and provosts were smarter – they were able to pay N3 million naira each to the committee using different methodologies that made the illicit payments harder to trace.īack to LBIS. But it has since become clear that only university vice-chancellors were given that bank account. We had in our initial report indicated that all heads of federal tertiary institutions were asked to deposit N2 million naira bribe each into an account domiciled in Providus Bank. Gallagher and O’Connor also told VICE News how rivals Rafael Nadal and Roger Federer, who have criticised Djokovic’s decisions, are being dragged into wider conspiracies about working with Bill Gates.The story we are about to tell you will answer these questions and provide additional clarity regarding how members of the House committee structured the extortion scheme through which they received bribes from heads of federal agencies invited to appear before their panel, including vice-chancellors of universities, rectors of polytechnics and provosts of colleges of education. He has since released a statement explaining the timeline of events leading up to his trip to Australia, which he originally secured with a medical exemption, despite the tournament’s strict vaccine guidelines. “Across many COVID-skeptic and COVID-conspiracy communities online, Djokovic is being raised up as a hero by those who see him as a champion of sorts for the unvaccinated, including some groups who’ve adopted hashtags like #IStandWithDjokovic,” Aoife Gallagher and Ciarán O’Connor, told VICE News.ĭjokovic publicly confirmed he tested positive for COVID-19 in December and was later seen attending an event at the Novak Tennis Centre in Belgrade, according to reports. Recent controversy around Novak Djokovic’s vaccine status at the 2022 Australian Open has sparked online debate among conspiracists if the tennis star should be the new face of the “unvaxxed sperm” movement, the supposed anti-vaxx version of ‘bitcoin.’
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